| |
Reporting
rules fail corporate US
The American governance model does not resolve the weaknesses at the heart
of the system
Companies
are complaining that an American stock-exchange listing is expensive and
burdensome. Sarbanes-Oxley, the 2002 US legislation on accounting and
corporate governance, has extra-territorial effects. Shell was fined by
the SEC for a reporting problem, but its shareholders pick up the bill.
But how did the US reporting legislation get to where it is today? Are
some solutions actually creating the disease? Is the problem poor governance,
or is the financial reporting system itself creating the governance problems?
The problems stem from a dominant law, the 1933 Federal Securities Act,
which confuses financial reporting. Whatever the strengths of corporate
America, a weakness is the financial reporting system. Its negative effects
create safe havens for mischief in some companies, while creating burdens
and complexity for others.
It is easy to assume that the US model for financial reporting is the
model. But modern financial reporting
was invented in Britain. Roosevelt's 1933 securities reforms took text
straight from the 1929 British Companies Act, but constitutional tension
with states prevented the full system being adopted.
The US reporting system is, therefore, an incomplete replica of the British
system that Congress wanted to adopt. These omissions have also spawned
difficulties in corporate governance.
The shareholders' financial interest in any company is the right to what
remains after all other creditors and claims have been paid. That carries
risk. For British quoted companies strong rights are attached to shares
in order to mitigate the risk - rights to information and rights to vote
to effect change.
The US is different. A shareholder's right to information and rights of
ownership are limited under most states' laws. The federal system steps
in but can only stipulate financial information relevant for the buying
or selling of shares. Such information is, therefore, largely about earnings.
It is difficult under the law to request anything else.
Companies should be run for shareholders to achieve appropriate returns
on capital. To monitor that objective requires a display of earnings and
capital, not just earnings taken out of context - but that is what American
law allows.
As John Plender, the FT columnist, recently suggested, the US publicly
quoted company model is not actually capitalism. The 1933 law created
federally regulated "earnings-ism". This drives financial reporting
and capital market behaviour.
Risk is diversified by investors, but investment risk in the US is not
wholly commercial in origin. Some risk is actually created because the
federal and state systems do not fit together in harmony. This includes
the risk of having poor, but legally correct, reporting.
Take Enron. Earnings could be generated from "nothing" because
reporting of the capital side of the financial equation could be avoided
within the law.
"Earnings-ism" has other
technical faults. A stock may be correctly priced, but legally hidden
inefficiencies or dubious expenditure may be hidden inside the company
even though these damage shareholders' interests.
Britain's financial reporting system can reach the parts the US system
cannot. It regards the shareholders' interests as paramount. It is conceptually
simple and hot unnecessarily legalistic. This should help preparers and
readers of accounts, especially auditors.
In the UK, shareholders legally appoint auditors. Shareholders' needs
set the purpose of the work. Purpose and power flow from the shareholders'
interest in the enterprise, not the dead hand of a constitutionally limited
regulator.
In the US "earnings-ism" is not a clear goal for accounting
so standards setters have had to resort to rules to cover both capital
and earnings in the round. This is a major weakness in a legalistic society
where law is tested to the margins.
American auditors report differently - to boards not shareholders. They
have little power - their goals depend on the politics of standards setting
and enforcement often depends on the funding levels of the
regulator. They are the piggy-in-the-middle between boards, regulators
and lawyers. They are poor cousins of the UK auditor but carry the same
name.
The American reporting and governance model was designed to kick-start
an economy in a deep depression, with the aim of enabling companies to
raise money. This model was almost bound to create problems once the US
reached economic maturity.
By the 1990s, many companies did not issue new stock, other than to insiders
by way of in-the-money share options. The challenges now are not so much
pricing new issues of stock but corporate efficiency. Inefficiency, however,
can be hidden.
Sarbanes-Oxley does not resolve the weaknesses at the heart of the US
system. To adopt aspects of that system in the UK is especially unwise
given that the US system is a pastiche of Britain's.
Convergence carries a risk of a reporting system dominated by incomprehensible
accounts, written by lawyers for lawyers.
|
|